This month, the Ontario legislature passed a motion endorsing the principles of the Calgary Declaration. All of the provincial and territorial legislatures except that of Nova Scotia have now done so with overwhelming support.

In Quebec, the separatist government that at first disparaged the Calgary Declaration as not worth discussing has now decided to hold hearings. From this supposedly inconsequential statement has been woven what is now portrayed as “English Canada’s final offer”.

It is, of course, neither inconsequential nor a final offer. The Calgary Declaration was not conceived as either an offer or a deal in the tradition of Meech Lake or Charlottetown. It is an important expression of principles — principles that the vast majority of Canadians from coast to coast appear to support.

Calgary is certainly not the final word, the ultimate expression of a new status quo. Indeed, its enduring principles embrace our history of change. And the broad public support for the Declaration shown both in polls and public consultations has highlighted the flexibility and generosity of spirit that has been the foundation of Canada’s growth.

Despite the steady parade of endorsement, much media attention has focused on the lack of detailed knowledge professed by Canadians to pollsters. Reports have suggested that this proves that politicians are once more trying to slip a fast one by a populace that is not interested in constitutional games.

But Canada’s political leaders understand very well the frustrations of their constituents. They have no intention of repeating the mistakes of the past. Both in crafting and in preparing for legislative endorsement of the Calgary Declaration, they have not acted in a vacuum.

Asking people to recite Hamlet’s soliloquy will not usually elicit much more than: “To be or not to be …” Asking them to recite the contents of the Calgary Declaration tends to generate a similar response, even from those who have taken part in a provincial consultation process.

But when Canadians have been asked whether they support the principles included in the Calgary Declaration, the vast majority in every region has said yes. In Ontario, just as one example, provincial polling found that 96 percent agreed that Canadians should be equal as individuals; 91 percent that provinces should have equal status despite their diverse characteristics; and 73 percent that the unique character of Quebec society, including its French-speaking majority, its culture and its civil law tradition, is fundamental to Canada (see charts).

Public silence does not reflect a lack of support, nor does lack of interest in memorizing the details reflect disagreement. Rather, it reflects a consensus that these underlying principles no longer need debate and it is time to move on.

Moving on does not mean framing the Calgary Declaration, hanging it on the wall and calling it history. Eventually, these principles must be reflected in our Constitution — but the process of constitutional change cannot even begin until there is a government in Quebec willing to respect the desire of most Quebecers to renew the federation.

In the meantime, though, much can be and is being done to make Canada work better within the existing constitutional framework. Progress has been neither dramatic nor uninterrupted, but it is measurable and significant.

The agreement that provinces rather than the federal government are better suited to handle labour market adjustment and training programs is now reality. The relatively simple act of federal withdrawal has not, on its own, solved all problems. Indeed, the transition process has inevitably created new ones as provincial governments come to terms with their new responsibilities. Change always brings uncertainty and anxiety for those most affected.

In almost every aspect of Canada’s social and economic union, individuals have interests as residents both of a region and of the country. In sorting out these sometimes conflicting interests, politicians must answer to their constituents first, but cannot abandon their duty to the country as a whole, without which the lives of their residents would be much diminished.

Political leaders show no signs of resting on their laurels as legislative approvals of the Calgary Declaration wrap up. Provincial and federal politicians alike are proposing and moving ahead with other ideas for improving the federation. The Calgary Declaration may have been a catalyst for such discussion, but certainly is not extinguishing it.

This process of creative change will continue — and it exposes the central fallacy of the separatists’ position. They argue that Canada does not work and cannot change. Yet the other provinces continue to develop new approaches and new models for cooperation, demonstrating that Canada keeps evolving — as it has ever since its creation.

In practical terms, there is no status quo and never has been. As the needs of Canadians evolve, their governments respond — and are turfed if they do not.

Reasonable discussion about how to meet those evolving needs can be helped by clear rules, but ultimately depends less on the written word than on mutual dignity and respect. The Constitution can reflect that respect, but respect can exist without the Constitution.

That is why the Calgary Declaration marks neither a beginning nor an end. It is both a statement of enduring principles and a celebration of the flexibility and creativity we have always shown in our collective search for ways to make our country work better. The more vigorously separatists attack it as the embodiment of a Canada that cannot change, the faster they will prove that the status quo is very much a moving target.